In the simplest form of a tradeable permits system the government establishes a limit on total allowable emissions of a given pollutant. It then either sells or assigns permits to industries that emit the pollutant until the limit is reached. Each permit allows the release of a given amount of pollutant during a specified time period. Polluters can buy and sell these permits so that those with the lowest abatement costs can reduce emissions and sell their permits to those with the highest abatement costs.
A tradeable permit system has three basic elements:
1. the government established a limit on total allowable emissions of a given pollutant within a defined geographical area;
2. the government then sells or assigns permits that fix the level of allowable emissions per company to emissions producers until the limit for total allowable emissions is met; and
3. if the system works, it will trigger a permits market among emissions producers, because companies whose emissions are already below the allowable limit or who have low pollution abatement costs will seek to profit from selling their excess emissions to companies whose emission levels are above the limit and cannot afford the cost of abatement measures. In this way, businesses are given a financial incentive to clean up their act.
Tradeable permit systems usually require reductions in the total allowable discharges over a certain period although they can be used to maintain environmental quality in areas that meet ambient objectives. Tradeable permit systems are distinct from current approaches to environmental protection which often do not impose an upper limit on total discharges from a particular source [(380) -- 380. Limits are often based on levels of production and concentration of pollutants.] and have no legal limits on the total permitted discharges from all sources.
This chapter discusses specific elements that are necessary and advisable in implementing legislation for tradeable permit systems aimed at environmental protection. The chapter also identifies potential legal challenges to systems of tradeable permits. In particular, it considers whether permit holders can claim compensation for regulatory changes that reduce the value of their permits.
We do not advocate adopting tradeable permit systems for pollution control in all situations. As with any complex regulatory mechanism, a poorly planned and executed tradeable permit system is worse than no system at all. The following extensive discussion of the elements of legislation required for tradeable permit systems to improve the environment shows that these systems are difficult and perhaps expensive to operate. Many of the restrictions on trading and requirements for regulatory oversight, which are necessary to ensure environmental goals are not sacrificed, may make the systems less effective in reducing the emission control costs of industry. Command and control regulation without tradeable permits may be both more effective in moving to a clean environment and more efficient. The feasibility of tradeable permit systems needs to be studied on a case by case basis.
This chapter focuses on tradeable permits or allowances, such as those used in the
United States for the reduction of sulphur dioxide emissions, rather than emission
reduction credits. Both are often referred to as emissions trading. Under a tradeable
permit system all emitters must have tradeable permits in place before they pollute, while
under an emission reduction credit system existing sources that meet command and control
requirements do not require the credits to operate. Emission reduction credits are created
when emissions are reduced below levels that are legal under existing command and control
regulation. Acquisition of these credits is necessary for new sources to begin operation
or for existing sources to modify or expand. Emission reduction credits can also be used
in a tradeable permit system in order to create new permits. [(381)
-- 381. For more discussion on the distinction between emission reduction credits as a
part of a tradeable permit system and emission reduction credits as part of a command and
control system see
The phrase tradeable permits can refer to different things. For instance, a permit could mean a permit which lasts for a number of years enabling the release of a certain number of units of a pollutant in the first year, less units in the second year, even less in the third year and so on. Alternatively, separate permits could be issued for each year with one less permit being issued each year. The terminology used in this chapter assumes that a permit is for a specific unit of pollution in a specific time period, although it could potentially be used in later time periods. We refer to the right to receive a permit in later years, once an initial permit is held, as allocation rights.
Throughout this discussion it is important to remember that tradeable permit systems still involve the use of some command and control regulation.
There are a range of approaches that can be taken in enabling legislation for a system of tradeable permits, from the grant of a general power to establish a system to an extremely detailed description of the system. There are examples of both approaches in North America. On the one hand, title IV of the United States Clean Air Act [(382) -- 382. 42 U.S.C.S. §7651.] includes 40 pages of legislation solely devoted to establishment of a tradeable allowance system for sulphur dioxide and nitrous oxides from power plants. On the other hand, section 13 of Alberta's Environmental Protection and Enhancement Act, [(383) -- 383. S.A. 1992, c. E-13.3. ] merely states that the minister may:
in accordance with the regulations, establish programs and other measures for the use of economic and financial instruments and market based approaches, including without limitation
(a) emission trading ... for the purposes of ... protecting the environment, achieving environmental quality goals in a cost effective manner and providing methods of financing programs and other measures for environmental purposes.
Manitoba similarly has a brief enabling provision for tradeable emission permits providing:
The Lieutenant Governor in Council may, where it is consistent with established environmental quality objectives, market units of allowable emissions of specific pollutants, in accordance with the regulations, and the revenue so generated may be held in trust by the Minister of Finance as an environmental contingency fund, to be used at the request of the Minister in the event of any environmental emergency. [(384) -- 384. Section 45, Environment Act, S.M. 1987-88, c. 26.]
Neither the Manitoba nor Alberta legislation give specific regulation making authority beyond the power to pass regulations for the purposes of establishing these systems. [(385) -- 385. Environmental Protection and Enhancement Act, S.A. 1992, c. E-13.3, s. 35(c); Environment Act, S.M. 1987-88, c. 26.] The difference between the American approach and the approach of Alberta and Manitoba reflects not only differences in legal tradition between Canada and the United States, but more importantly the degree of commitment of the three jurisdictions to tradeable permit systems.
The enabling provisions in Alberta and Manitoba legislation have limited what types of
tradeable permit systems these provinces can establish and the mechanisms they can put in
place to enforce those systems. The presumptions of statutory interpretation discussed in
This chapter suggests terms of enabling legislation that allows for a tradeable system that will protect the environment, withstand legal challenges and provide certainty.
Our recommendations are directed at the legal requirements for designing a proper tradeable permit system; and they are generic in the sense that they are basic to any permit system regardless of the emission to be regulated. The design of a permit system to deal with a specific emissions problem will require legislation and/or regulations that are tailored to suit that situation. In practice, the success of any tradeable permit system will depend upon its use in the proper circumstances as much as the quality of the design.
Our recommendations address both the substantive and procedural issues that must be dealt with in implementing legislation to create an efficient, legally sound system that will maximize environmental protection. The substantive issues are: first, the core elements of a tradeable permit system; second, provisions relating to allocation of permits; and third, the statutory provisions required to operate the system, such as enforcement, trade approval and creation of credits. The procedural issues are: provisions aimed at ensuring fairness and openness; provisions necessary for efficient administration; and provisions allowing coordination with tradeable permit systems in other jurisdictions.
The central provision of any enabling legislation will be a general mandate to establish a tradeable permit system and pass regulations for such a system. This core section will establish the scope of tradeable permit systems allowable under the legislation. In this regard we recommend that:
1. The power to establish tradeable permit systems should not be limited to permits for emissions, but also extend to permits for production and import of a product and permits for the use of a process or equipment which is expected to lead to emissions. For instance, if a tradeable permit system were established to control carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels, it would be much easier to issue permits for the import and production of fossil fuels based on their carbon content rather than measure actual emissions. [(386) -- 386. Canada, Economic Instruments for Environmental Protection (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services, 1992) at 39 to 40.] Similarly, tradeable permit systems have been used to govern the emission standards newly manufactured cars must meet [(387) -- 387. U.S. EPA rules for vehicle manufacturer permit trading are found at 40 C.F.R. 86.090-15 (1991).] and have been proposed or used for the phase out of hazardous substances such as cadmium and lead, based on production, import or use in a particular application. [(388) -- 388. Macauley et al., Using Economic Incentives to Regulate Toxic Substances (Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future, 1992) at 101 to 103.]
2. In order to avoid legal challenges to regulations based on discrimination between polluters in different areas or between different classes of polluters, the enabling legislation should allow regulations which apply only to designated areas and prescribed classes of polluters.
3. The enabling legislation must include the power to regulate trading in permits, including the power to regulate terms of trade between zones and subzones, and the ability to use permits in different time periods. These types of regulations can help avoid geographic concentration of pollutants and avoid releases at times when they are more likely to exacerbate pollution problems. Regulating transfers by means of generic trade rules rather than case by case approval generally fosters greater trading and more cost effective control of pollutants. [(389) -- 389. Brennan Van Dyke, "Emissions Trading to Reduce Acid Deposition," (1991) 100 Yale Law Journal 2707 at 2724.] The need for specific approval of some types of trading is dealt with below. [(390) -- 390. See footnotes 442 to 447. ]
These recommendations apply if either the province or the federal government establish a tradeable permit system. However, additional considerations apply if the federal government decides to enact a tradeable permits system. Federal legislation should also establish the constitutional basis for the permit systems, since it might be attacked on the basis that the legislation is not confined to areas of federal jurisdiction. There is strong authority that courts should not consider the breadth of authority granted under statute as a basis for invalidating regulations made under the statute without considering whether the regulations themselves keep within areas of federal jurisdiction. [(391) -- 391. Central Canada Potash v. Saskatchewan, [1977] 2 S.C.R. 134 at 149.] Courts nonetheless often judge legislation unconstitutional on the basis of broad enabling provisions even though the regulations themselves may be quite narrow. [(392) -- 392. Attorney General of Canada v. Hydro Quebec (August 6, 1992), Shawnigan Reg. 410-36-000024914 (Que. S.C.); See also Rand, J. in Saumur v. City of Quebec, [1953] 2 S.C.R. 299 at 333.] Federal enabling legislation should specify that the power to establish tradeable permit systems is for the purposes of regulating substances which may cross provincial or international boundaries, may be a threat to human health, are a matter of national concern, may be deleterious to fish, or are emitted by federal undertakings or from federal land.
One of the key reasons that tradeable permit systems have gained support is that they are a means of establishing a cap on total emissions from a particular class of sources which can be reduced over time. It is essential that enabling legislation require regulations to include a mandatory schedule for reducing the cap on emissions or, where air quality objectives have been met, establish a fixed cap for emissions. This not only assures the public that there will be some improvement in the environment but also allows firms to anticipate the future value of their tradeable permits. If a schedule for reductions is not clearly set out in regulations, firms may be reluctant to trade permits for fear that the value of their permits may be suddenly reduced.
Establishing a schedule for emission reduction does not rule out acceleration of that schedule. Knowledge and scientific understanding of pollutants and their impacts on health and the environment progresses continuously. Therefore, any program must be able to accommodate changes in requirements and rules based on new knowledge or changes in values society puts on a clean environment. [(393) -- 393. Canadian Council of Ministers of Environment, Emission Trading Working Group, Emission Trading: A Discussion Paper (Winnipeg: CCME, 1992). ] However, the legislation should clearly state that if emission reduction targets are accelerated, the units of pollution allowed by any permit will be reduced equally as compared to all other permits within the same zone or sub-area. This would assure permit holders that permits which are held for future use or sale would not be specifically targeted for confiscation or reduction in value if air emission reduction targets are redefined.
We also recommend that legislation require that schedules and caps be set to achieve desirable air quality objectives. In particular, air quality objectives could be defined as ambient concentrations identified as desirable air quality objectives under the Canadian Environmental Protection Act. [(394) -- 394. See Canada, Order in Council P.C. 1989/1482.] A statutory commitment to certain ambient standards will aid in reaching consensus on appropriate cap levels.
An emission reduction schedule can be used in conjunction with a system that allows for the opting in of new sources or the creation of emission reduction credits. While the total number of permits in circulation might increase, the reductions from sources initially included would be specified. Sources that opt in would acquire allocation rights which decrease with time so that reduction goals from sources initially included in the system are not diluted by being spread over a wider range of dischargers.
The enabling legislation should allow regulations to establish local area caps on some
pollutants such as NOx and VOC that may have impacts which are more localized than the
areas in which a trading system for these pollutants would likely be established. [(395) -- 395. CCME Working Group, above at
Avoiding local effects of emissions is problematic since restrictions on trading between areas may reduce the potential for both economic and environmental gains. The balancing of competing local and broader interests has lead to litigation in the United States. [(396) -- 396. Environmental Defence Fund v. Environmental Protection Agency CA DC, No 93-1214, cited in "New York Sues to Limit Acid Rain Trading" (March 19, 1993) Environmental Reporter 3024.] New York state and New York environmental groups argue that restrictions on trading between the Midwestern states and other regions are necessary to ensure that sulphur dioxide emission reductions are made in the Midwest and that areas harmed by midwestern emissions, such as many parts of upstate New York, receive a net benefit. A national organization, the Environmental Defence Fund, and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency argue that emission trading will encourage Midwest utilities to speed up emission reductions, providing quicker relief for the acid rain ravaged Northeast. They argue that, if trading is burdened with additional restrictions, incentives for early reductions will be weakened and prospects of early reductions in Midwestern emissions may be reduced. [(397) -- 397. Ibid. See also Joseph Goffman, "To Halt Acid Rain, Reward Innovation" (New York: Environmental Defence Fund, 1993); Joseph Goffman, "Learning to Love Emissions Trading" (New York N.Y.: Environmental Defence Fund, 1993).] While this type of challenge is unlikely to succeed in Canada [(398) -- 398. Typically challenges to EPA regulations will be much easier because there is more room for arguing that particular regulations passed by the EPA do not reflect Congress' intent.] it indicates the difficulty in identifying how to deal with trading between locales.
To avoid these disputes and to protect local air quality standards, caps could be placed on the volume of discharges which can occur within any particular sub-area within the system. Local area caps represent the maximum number of permits that can locate in that sub-area, while overall caps represent the total number of permits in existence in the large area at any time. Regulation of trading ratios would attempt to avoid the limits on local area loading being reached, but the existence of a local area cap would help ensure local inequities do not develop and allow flexibility in trading. To ensure air quality, local area caps should be somewhat dependent on the number of permitted emissions in an adjoining local area.
For instance, if a tradeable emission system existed for VOCs and NO
We also recommend that legislation require local area caps be reset after the transition phase at a level necessary to meet desirable air quality objectives. To the extent that this is a feasible means of ensuring no significant local adverse impacts of trades, local area caps would partially replace the need for case by case approvals of trades. However, as discussed below, in some circumstances there will be a continuing need for some case by case approval of trades.
A common concern about tradeable permits is whether they create property rights. The specific concern is whether, when a reduction schedule is accelerated or regulations are amended, polluters are able to claim compensation for "expropriation" of these "property rights". This type of claim would likely fail. However, the potential problem can be avoided by specifically stating in the enabling legislation that tradeable permits and allocation rights are not property rights but are merely a revocable licence to emit pollutants in accordance with the law.
In Canadian law there is a strong rule of statutory interpretation that compensation is payable for the taking or expropriation of most types of property. [(399) -- 399. Attorney General v. De Keyser's Royal Hotel, Limited, [1920] A.C. 508 at 542.] Statutes can, if their intent is clear, provide for expropriation without compensation although most governments have shied away from doing so. Expropriation is not available for the taking of non-property interests. Courts have distinguished property from revocable licences. Revocable licenses merely allow someone to do legally what they otherwise could not do; compensation is not payable on the revocation or change in the conditions of a revocable license. [(400) -- 400. See Sanders v. Milk Board (1991), 53 B.C.L.R. (2d) 167 (B.C.C.A.) at 175 and National Trust Co. v. Bouckhuyt (1987), 61 O.R. (2d) 640 (Ont. C.A.).]
As noted above, enabling legislation could specifically provide that tradeable permits are not property, but merely a revocable licence to emit a specified amount of some pollutant. This approach is taken in the U.S. Clean Air Act to avoid claims for compensation based on the constitutionally entrenched right in the U.S. to compensation on expropriation. [(401) -- 401. 42 U.S.C.S. §7651 b(f).] Such a provision would overcome any argument that permittees should receive compensation if the pollution allowed by their permits were to be revoked.
Claims for compensation probably would fail even in the absence of this sort of
provision. In Sanders v. Milk Board [(402)
-- 402. Sanders, above at
Similarly, the B.C. Court of Appeal has held that mining under the authority of mineral claims located in a provincial park can be prohibited without compensation because the mineral claims were statutorily created and neither the mining nor the parks legislation showed any intent to compensate claim owners. [(404) -- 404. Cream Silver Mines Ltd. v. British Columbia (1993), 75 B.C.L.R. (2d) 324.] The Court found that the claims were property, but relied on the fact that they were not an interest in land and were not an interest which existed at common law. Tradeable permits are also statutorily created interests.
Finally, compensation is only available for the taking of property, not the regulation of property. Courts have distinguished between the regulation of property, for instance by zoning, and the taking of property, suggesting that taking only occurs where value is added to a government asset. [(405) -- 405. The Queen v. Tener (1985), 17 D.L.R.(4th) 1 (S.C.C.) held that prohibiting mining in parks was a taking of mineral claims because a public asset, the park, gets the benefit from no mining taking place. Tener involved a different type of mineral interest from Cream Silver; in Tener the claim was an interest in real property which existed at common law. See also Hartel Holdings Co. Ltd. v. Calgary, [1984] 1 S.C.R. 337.] Since reductions in overall emissions do not specifically benefit a government asset they should not be a basis for compensation.
Since there are cases holding that statutorily created rights are property, it is advisable to specifically state that tradeable permits are merely revocable licences. In Ackerman v. Nova Scotia [(406) -- 406. (1988), 47 D.L.R. (4th) 681 (N.S.S.C.T.D.).] the Nova Scotia Supreme Court held that milk production quotas created by milk marketing board regulations were a form of property and that clear authority would be required to take a portion of this property without compensation. Ackerman was considered but not followed by British Columbia courts in Sanders, and the reasoning in the case is problematic. The milk quotas, like a system of tradeable permits, were created by regulation and would not have existed but for the regulations. Therefore, they should have been subject to changes in regulation or repeal of the regulations. [(407) -- 407. The Ackerman case was appealed to the Nova Scotia Appeal Court where the Court specifically refused to affirm or reject the argument that the quotas were property. ]
However, while milk marketing quotas are closely analogous to a system of tradeable
permits, it may be possible to distinguish the two systems and argue the need for
compensation depends on the specific inferences of legislation. [(408)
-- 408. Specific aspects of the legislation were important in Cream Silver and Sanders
as well as in an Ontario case looking at the nature of milk quotas: National Trust Co.
v. Bouckhuyt, above at
While on the basis of Sanders and other cases it may not be necessary to specifically state that tradeable permits are revocable licences, for the sake of certainty we strongly recommend including this specific provision in the enabling legislation. An express legislative statement should remove any concern regarding claims for compensation based on property rights in permits.
This part examines the creation and allocation of permits by government. This includes:
The three main means of initially allocating permits are through auction, according to
historic emissions, or according to quantities an emitter would release if it met some
criteria such as best available technology. [(409) -- 409.
CCME Working Group, above at
The political acceptability of one system of allocation or another will vary greatly from case to case and may vary according to the pollutant. If enabling legislation is intended to authorize a number of different tradeable permit systems it should allow allocation of permits by any means, taking into consideration certain basic principles such as fairness and minimization of economic dislocation. The legislation also should specifically provide that the total amounts permitted under the initial allocation should be no greater than amounts estimated to be released from affected sources under existing regulation.
Moreover, where initial allocation is made on the basis of historic emissions, the relevant criteria should be the lower of actual or permitted emissions. [(411) -- 411. This is the approach used in the U.S. Clean Air Act for sources other than electrical utilities: 42 U.S.C.S. §7651 i(c).] These qualifications are extremely important. Often permitted emissions in British Columbia and the Greater Vancouver Regional District are significantly higher than actual emissions. Allowing permitted but unutilized levels of emissions to be sold and utilized would damage the environment, as well as being an unfair windfall for emitters with lax permits. Many of the recommendations which follow in this chapter are aimed at avoiding this problem of converting unutilized permitted emissions into actual emissions.
The CCME Discussion Paper recommends that initial allocation of permits be made on the
basis of historic emission levels. This tends to reward companies which have lagged in
reducing their emissions and are in a position to reduce emissions cheaply and sell excess
permits, but avoids an economic shock to firms not in compliance with best practices. To
partially overcome this unfairness the CCME recommends reducing allocation rights for
firms which do not comply with acceptable standards or have not applied best available
control technology [(412) -- 412. For definition of best
available control technology, see text at
An accelerated reduction could be achieved in two ways. First it could be achieved by requiring firms which are furthest out of compliance with acceptable standards to reduce emissions at a faster rate, so that the allocation rights of all firms would be equal to emissions achievable through best available technology within a fixed transition period, such as five years. Second, it could be achieved by reducing rights at the same accelerated rate for all firms not in compliance with acceptable standards, while allowing a longer transition period for firms that are the furthest from compliance.
We recommend the first option. Where historic emission levels are the basis for initial allocations, legislation should specify that firms out of compliance with standards achievable through best available control technology receive allocation rights that are reduced to levels achievable through best available control technology within a specified period, such as five years. This approach achieves faster overall reductions in emissions and reduces the potential for recalcitrant polluters reaping windfall profits.
A difficulty inherent in accelerated transition for firms out of compliance with best emissions standards is defining what levels of emissions are achievable by any standard such as best available control technology. There is a strong incentive for polluters to argue that the lowest emissions achievable through best available control technology are relatively high; doing so would give polluters greater potential to sell allocation rights on the market because they would be more likely in a position to reduce emissions below the defined level.
To partly overcome this difficulty legislation should include a strong definition of what is meant by best available control technology ("BACT"). We recommend adoption of the definition of BACT used in a recent British Columbia government discussion paper on environmental protection:
"the currently available state-of-the-art control technology which is proven to be successful at reducing waste discharges and has been applied for at least one year in similar facilities in the province or in other relevant jurisdictions. Control technology refers to all of the following: raw materials, fuels, process technology and pollution control equipment or devices used to minimize both generation and discharge of wastes." [(413) -- 413. British Columbia, Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks, New Approaches to Environmental Protection in British Columbia, (Victoria, B.C.: Ministry of Environment, 1992).]
Legislation should allow regulations to specify what emission levels constitute best
achievable emissions. As discussed in
Enabling legislation should provide for a system of periodic auctions of permits
whereby each emitters' allocation rights would be reduced by a certain percentage for the
purpose of being auctioned off. Reduction in allocation rights in order to obtain permits
for auctions would be in addition to reductions in allocation rights aimed at reducing
overall discharges. Auctions could be conducted to raise revenues for the government
agency responsible for the system or on a revenue neutral basis. In the revenue neutral
case, the revenues generated would be returned to polluters in proportion to the permitted
allocations taken from them and sold in auctions. The advantages of periodic auctions
include: [(414) -- 414. These advantages are discussed in Van
Dyke, above at For these reasons we recommend that legislation require periodic revenue generating
auctions. [(415) -- 415. The CCME Discussion Paper, above at There may be some value in giving administrators the authority to refuse to sell
permits to the highest bidder where the administrator has reasonable grounds to believe
that the highest bidder is purchasing the permits for the purpose of excluding bidders
from the market. As an adjunct to this power the administrator could have powers to
require bidders to provide information as to their abatement costs. Information that
marginal abatement costs are significantly lower than permit prices would be an indication
that the purchaser is attempting to exclude competitors from the market. [(416) -- 416. Some economists have suggested a rule requiring
demonstration that marginal abatement costs exceed the price rights as a precondition of
approval of purchases: See Walter S. Misiolek and Harold W. Elder, "Exclusionary
Manipulation of Markets for Pollution Rights," (1989) 16 Journal of Environmental
Economics and Management at 156. ] The power to block sales and the
power to require such information would need to be grounded in specific statutory
provisions. With some simplifications the four elements of the U.S. EPA's emission reduction
credits policy are as follows:(a more complete description can be found in Robert W. Hahn
& Gordon L. Hester, , "Marketable Permits: Lessons for Theory and Practice,"
(1989) 16 Ecology Law Quarterly 361 at 370 to 375. Offsets. The
offset rule requires new and modified sources in heavily polluted areas to offset their
increased or new emissions with emission reduction credits from other sources in the same
area. These sources are still required to meet stringent emissions limitations;(Lowest
Achievable Emissions Rate in areas that do not meet clean air objectives, Best available
technology in areas that meet objectives). Netting. Netting allows a modified
source to avoid the most stringent emission limitations that would be applied to the
modification by reducing emissions from another source within the same plant. Bubbles. Bubbles
allow existing sources to vary the levels of emission control applied to emissions from
different sources as long as the aggregate limit is not exceeded. The sources included
within the imaginary bubble do not have to be within the same firm. Banking. Banking
allows firms to reduce emissions at one time to use at a later date. There is no reason in
law why any of these elements could not be included as a matter of policy in existing
permit systems. For instance, the Greater Vancouver Regional District could require
offsets for any new or expanded source in the area. Fisheries Act pulp mill
regulations could similarly be amended to allow banking. As a matter of policy, however,
we are strongly opposed to the use of emission reduction credits (with the exception of
offsets where there is a continuing requirement for stringent emissions) unless all the
safeguards discussed below are in place. If the government considers use of emission
reduction credits in the context of the current command and control regulation we
recommend that there be legislation allowing emission reduction credits that commits the
government to those safeguards and protects regulators from pressure to allow questionable
emission reduction credits. The problems we have identified with regard to emission
reduction credits in a tradeable permit system are even greater in a command and control
system where there is no overall reduction in the cap to compensate for the difficulties
inherent in emission reduction credits.] Opting in of sources and creation of emission reduction credits is another means of
creating tradeable permits in relation to initial allocations. The CCME Discussion Paper notes that tradeable permit programs can be broadened to
cover polluters through
] The last two options are essentially the same, merely representing different ways of
creating tradeable permits by reducing emissions from sources that are not required by law
to take part in the tradeable emission permit system. We refer to these together as
creating tradeable emission reduction credits. Generally speaking, emission trading systems will likely be more effective if covering
a broader base of emitters. However, there are several significant problems with creating
emission reduction credits that, if not adequately compensated for, could easily subvert
the success of any program. Emission reduction credits have been subject to a number of
court challenges in the United States based on the argument that they subvert the purposes
of the Clean Air Act. [(419) -- 419. Natural
Resources Defense Council, Inc. v. Gorsuch, 685 F. 2d 718 (D.C. Cir., 1982); reversed
sub nom Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defence Council 467 U.S. 837, 81
L. Ed 2d 694 (1984). In the Gorsuch, case the U.S. Court of Appeal held that
application of the netting (see When emission reduction credits are created they will be based on claims that a
non-participating source has reduced emissions by a certain amount. In practice it will be
very difficult to measure actual emission reductions. For instance, an urban smog
reduction program for the Fraser Valley initially would include mostly or all permitted
point sources. Stack emissions from these sources are generally much easier to measure
than pollution from the types of sources likely to create emission reduction credits, such
as fugitive emissions [(421) -- 421. Fugitive emissions are
emissions that escape unintentionally from a process, for instance VOC which escapes from
car gas tank filler pipes rather than exhaust pipes, or gases that escape from leaks in
pipes rather than emission stacks.] and non-point sources. Fugitive emissions can only be
estimated, and often there is great uncertainty in predicting discharges from non-point
sources. [(422) -- 422. David Letson, "Point/Non Point
Source Pollution Reduction Trading: An Interpretive Survey," (1992) 32 Natural
Resources J. 219 at 226.] It is very east to overestimate emission reductions from
sources that are not susceptible to monitoring. [(423) -- 423.
See David Hawkins "Providing Economic Incentives in Environmental Regulation,"
(1991) 8 Yale J. of Regulation 463 at 490; Richard Liroff, Reforming Air
Pollution Regulation: The Toil and Trouble of EPA's Bubble (Washington, D.C.:
Conservation Foundation, 1986) at 74 to 95.] Indeed, in one American example, emission
reduction credits were claimed for a supposed 20% reduction in emissions from command and
control standards; these claims were initially approved by regulators. A subsequent
reexamination of the figures and assumptions by the Natural Resources Defence Council
concluded there would be a 36% increase in emissions. [(424)
-- 424. Liroff, Ibid., at 91 to 97.] When invalid emission reduction credits are
used to increase emissions from other points, the result can be an actual increase in
emissions. In many cases emissions that are the source of emission reduction credits may have been
reduced even without the emission reduction credit program. For instance, a "Beater
Buy Back" program in the Lower Fraser Valley might only buy back vehicles that would
be taken off the road soon even without the program. While estimates can be made of the
probable continued use of cars of a certain age, [(425) --
425. See Environmental Defence Fund and General Motors Corporation, Mobile Emissions
Reduction Crediting: A Clean Air Act Economic Incentive Policy Proposal for Retiring
High-Emitting Vehicles, (undated) at 12-13.] changing regulations can drastically
accelerate the retirement of high emission cars. Many "beaters" would likely be
taken off the road because of the implementation of Air Care regulations. If firms get
credit for reductions that would have occurred anyway, overall progress in emission
reductions will be less than if emission reduction credits were not available. There are only a finite number of easy, cheap, and technically obvious emission
reduction opportunities. [(426) -- 426. Hawkins, above at Providing for emission reduction credits also raises the same problems as distributing
permits to a number of different sources, whose efforts to reduce or eliminate emissions
have varied. Distributing permits on the basis of historic emissions tends to reward the
worst polluters. Emission reduction credits can place additional strains on enforcement. A U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency review of emissions trading states "It will increase the number of sources that must be monitored and thus may
overwhelm resources available to assure adequate and continuous compliance with
regulations. An examination of some of the early trades indicates that (emission reduction
credits) will involve small and non-point sources not historically given much attention by
the regulators.... Measuring emissions from these sources ... may be extremely difficult
and expensive." [(430) -- 430. Eckard Rehbinder &
Rolf-Ulrich Sprenger, The Emissions Trading Policy in the United States of America: an
Evaluation of its Advantages and Disadvantages and Analysis of it Applicability in the
Federal Republic of Germany (Washington, D.C.: United States Environmental Protection
Agency, March, 1985) at 116 to 119.] These strains on enforcement would be added to strains placed by emission trading in
general. [(431) -- 431. See under the heading
"Enforcement" below.] The need to spend funds on increased enforcement must be
taken into account when deciding on whether or not to implement a program. Emission reduction credits are one of the prime concerns of environmentalists in
assessing tradeable permit systems. In the U.S. these concerns have lead to litigation.
The State of New York and the Environmental Defence Fund contend that credits given to
firms for improvements already made and for improvements they would have had to make in
any event are contrary to the goals mandated by Congress. [(432)
-- 432. "New York Sues to Limit Acid Rain Trading; EDF Suit Seeks to Close Credit
Loophole" (March 19, 1993) Environment Reporter 3024.] While lawsuits of this
type are unlikely to arise in the Canadian context, [(433) --
433. The U.S. litigation is based on statutorily set emission reduction goals and much
more extensive statutory direction than is likely in the Canadian context. This is due to
the nature of the U.S. constitution where the administration of laws is independent from
the legislature. ] the American experience indicates the need to deal adequately with
emission reduction credits if tradeable permit schemes are to be seen as legitimate. Despite these concerns, emission reduction credits should not be rejected out of hand.
In some cases they have helped accelerate emission reductions. [(434)
-- 434. See Liroff, above at First, regulators should only have the authority to approve emission reduction credits
from non participating sources or approve sales of allowances from opted in sources where
it can be demonstrated that emissions were occurring at the rate claimed prior to
reduction. Regulators must be required by statute to abide by the principle that emission
reduction credits can only be given for reductions that would almost certainly not have
occurred otherwise. [(435) -- 435. The South Coast Air Quality
Management District, Rule 1309(1) requires that applicants for emission reduction credits
demonstrate that they are real, quantifiable, permanent and enforceable. ] As discussed
below, [(436) -- 436. See "Public Involvement and
Appeal".] the allocation of emission reduction credits should be subject to appeal by
all interested parties including the public through a defined appeal mechanism. Second, because sources of emission reduction credits tend to be poor environmental
performers and have emission levels that are difficult to measure, emission reduction
credits should only be available for reductions below the level of emissions achievable
with best available control technology. The latter provision is found in many American
tradeable permit systems. [(437) -- 437. For instance, South
Coast Air Quality Management District Rule 1309(1) provides that applicants for emission
reduction credits must prove that reductions are "not greater than the equipment
would have received if operating with the best available control technology".
Similarly, the American sulphur dioxide trading emissions program requires that any
sources opting into the program only be allocated allowances up to the levels of emissions
which would occur if the sources were in compliance with the best available control
technology provisions of the Clean Air Act: 42 U.S.C.S.§7651 i(f).] Third, there should be an automatic discounting of emission reduction credits. For
instance, some American jurisdictions automatically discount any emission reduction
credits by twenty percent. [(438) -- 438. South Coast Air
Quality District, Rule 1303(b)(2).] Allocation rights based on emission reduction credits
should be reduced at a faster rate than allocation rights of sources in compliance with
best available technology. Indeed, we recommend that allowances for opted in sources be
reduced by some minimum amount, such as 20 percent of their initial value per annum. The
minimum amount should be supplemented by a higher rate at the discretion of regulators
where they have reason to believe emissions from which credits are claimed would have been
eliminated. Finally, we recommend that where a source opts into the system, its allowances should
be based on the lower of current emissions or their emissions prior to widespread
discussion of implementing a tradeable permit system. This would guard against a source
increasing its emissions for the purpose of opting in and then selling emission reduction
credits based on its inflated emissions. The Clean Air Act in the United
States uses this approach: sources which opt in to the sulphur dioxide emissions trading
program have their initial allocation of permits based on production levels in the years
1985, 1986 and 1987, a period two to four years prior to introduction of the Clean Air
Amendments into Congress. [(439) -- 439. 42 U.S.C.S.§7651
i(b).] These safeguards against misuse of emission reduction credits might reduce the utility
of emission reduction credits to industry to such a degree that they are not utilized.
However, to allow the creation of tradeable permits from emission reduction credits
without adequate safeguards is much like a government not protecting itself against
counterfeit currency. While emission reduction credits have the potential to achieve some
environmental gains, they also have the potential, if not properly implemented, to flood
the market with counterfeit reductions. In summary, emission reduction credits can broaden the scope and number of polluters
taking part in a tradeable permit system and can create more tradeable permits.
Unfortunately, they can also subvert environmental goals if not adequately regulated.
Government must be aware of this risk when adopting a tradeable permit system. Pollution reduction credits are similar to emission reduction credits, but are issued
in exchange for activities that remove contaminants from the environment. Pollution
reduction credits are usually discussed in relation to carbon emissions trading, giving
credit for activities that will remove carbon dioxide from the air. However, activities
for which credit would be given may only be a temporary or partial solution to the
pollution problem. For instance, credits for planting of forests would allow increased
carbon dioxide emissions in spite of the eventual release into the environment of the
carbon temporarily absorbed by growing trees. [(440) -- 440.
Canada, Economic Instruments for Environmental Protection: Discussion Paper (Ottawa:
Minister of Supply and Services, 1992) at 40.] Due to the limited potential for pollution
reduction after contaminants have been released, we recommend against statutory provisions
for pollution reduction credits. Once permits are allocated or created from emission reduction credits, the day to day
operation of a tradeable permit system presents a number of issues, including approval of
trades by regulators, registration of trades, monitoring and enforcement. These are
discussed below. The need for predictability in approving trades on the basis of clear and consistent
rules has been underlined by a number of commentators. [(441)
-- 441. See Barakat & Chamberlin, above at There always will be difficulties in ascertaining that a reduction has been made where:
Generally applicable safeguards for permit transfers should include legislated
requirements that legislators be convinced on demonstrable evidence that an emission
reduction has taken place, and that this reduction would likely not have taken place in
any event. Moreover, administrators should be required to discount by a minimum amount,
traded permits from firms not having CEMS or from permits created through an emission
reduction credit with the possibility of requiring further discounts to ensure that there
is no increase in emissions. Once such emission reductions have been approved, the permits
being traded could be certified to indicate that there will not be a need for further
demonstration of actual reductions if those permits are traded in the future. A review by the American Environmental Protection Agency of its emissions trading
policy [(443) -- 443. The EPA review of the bubble policy
allows a firm to increase emissions from one source above generally applicable standards
in exchange for compensating by decreases in emissions from other sources.] states: There are well-founded fears that equal trade-offs among the same pollutants may
nonetheless degrade environmental quality because of the different physical and
biochemical characteristics of the traded emissions .... For example, particulates emitted from a stack might have a different size and chemical
composition than fugitive dust from roads or storage piles within a plant site and
therefore might have a totally different and more harmful impact on ambient air quality.
.... For trades involving non-reactive pollutants, such as SO In some cases the negative aspects of one trade may be balanced out by the positive
aspects of another trade and in other cases the inability of emission impact modeling to
make accurate predictions of effect [(445) -- 445. Ibid.,
at 122 to 122.] may limit the utility of case by case analysis. However, there clearly is
a need for administrators, on a case by case approval basis, to ensure that trades do not
lead to reduction of overall environmental quality or hot spots of pollution. All permit trades, including allocations, sales and transfers, should be recorded in a
public registry. A registry should have separate accounts for all sources. Trades would
not be effective until recorded. Publication of data on firm emissions and permits in
place would facilitate trading activity and tend to expose any firms who are hoarding
allowances for anti-competitive purposes. [(446) -- 446. See
CCME Working Group, above at Enabling legislation should require a registry system with public access to data on
emissions and permit holdings. It should also provide authority to regulate the banking of
permits for future use. [(448) -- 448. The benefits of
allowing permits to be banked for future use or sale have been identified by the CCME
Working Group and others. See CCME Working Group, above at We recommend that the legislation clearly set out when a purchaser of allocation rights
or a permit will be penalized for the fact that the permit or allocation rights were
improperly created by the vendor or earlier holders. While holding buyers liable for the
legitimacy of their permits encourages buyers to scrutinize their purchases, too strong a
"buyer beware" policy will make firms reluctant to trade permits. Under the
United States sulphur dioxide emission trading program, if a permit allocated to an opted
in source is sold and the opted in unit subsequently closes the permit is considered void.
We recommend that implementing legislation clearly set out that the purchaser will be
responsible if, at the time of purchase, it is aware, or if it has reason to suspect after
due inquiry, either that the vendor's emissions exceed its remaining allocation or that
the emissions were created through some improper means such as the claimed reduction in
emissions being greater than the actual reduction. This provision requires purchasers to
exercise due diligence and make inquiries to avoid against dishonest transactions, while
not adding significantly to transaction costs. It also is necessary to consider how regulators approving trades should treat permits
from firms that have reduced their emissions by shutting down or lowering their production
rate. The U.S. bubble policy [(449) -- 449. See We recommend that legislation prohibit sales where a firm is only in a position to sell
permits because it has shut down or reduced its operations, unless the firm purchased
those permits. Rewarding a firm for leaving the jurisdiction by allowing it to sell rights
to a public resource which it acquired at no cost is indefensible and would be a serious
impediment to public support for an emissions trading system. In keeping with this
approach, the United States sulphur dioxide trading program prohibits the transfer of
allowances from opted in sources who reduce or cease production. [(451)
-- 451. 42 U.S.C.S.§7651 i(f).] Accurate monitoring is essential for an effective tradeable permit system. This is true
not only because there is greater incentive to cheat in a tradeable permit system but also
because command and control approaches may offer alternatives to actual emissions
monitoring that are not available under a tradeable permit system. [(452) -- 452. CCME Working Group above at Under the United States sulphur dioxide emission trading program, emitters are required
to operate continuous emissions monitoring systems ("CEMS") on each stack.
Alternative monitoring systems are only permitted where they can provide information with
the same precision, reliability, accessibility and timeliness. [(453)
-- 453. 42 U.S.C.S.§7651 k(a); see also §7661 (c) for monitoring requirements on ozone
depleting substances.] A general requirement for CEMS should be established in any implementing legislation.
For small polluters CEMS may be prohibitively expensive. Administrators may need a power
to approve alternatives to continuous emissions monitoring for emitters below a specified
size. Legislation should provide that where an alternate system does not have the same
precision, reliability, accessibility or timeliness as provided by CEMS, special
requirements shall be imposed for approving any trades of permits from such sources.
Legislation should include criteria for approval. Reliability of emissions data is essential to the working of a tradeable permit system.
A 1993 report of the U.S. General Accounting Office reviewing self-reporting of emissions
monitoring results found that sampling was statistically unrepresentative and open to
substantial fraud both in sampling of emissions and in testing. [(454)
-- 454. United States General Accounting Office, "Environmental Enforcement: EPA
Cannot Ensure the Accuracy of Self-Reported Compliance Monitoring Data" (Washington,
D.C.: GAO/RCED, March 1993) at 21.] The result appears to be a very significant level of
fraud amongst emitters and independent laboratories. [(455) --
455. Commercial laboratories may falsify emissions monitoring with or without the
knowledge of facility operators in order to save money or handle more work. In some
instances falsification has been a routine part of major commercial laboratories'
operations: Ibid. at 51 and 56-7. Instances of fraud by emitters have included
plant managers persistently over a period of at least nine years directing workers to
falsify results: Ibid. at 53. ] Even where programs are in effect to detect fraud
in emissions monitoring, the chances of detecting fraud is often low. [(456) -- 456. Ibid. at 55.] As a result, self reporting of
emissions monitoring should not be permitted if there is any potential for falsification
of data. This may be a major constraint to the use of tradeable permit systems. Commentators on tradeable emission permit systems consistently reiterate the need for
strong enforcement. [(457) -- 457. Barakat & Chamberlin,
above at Inspection activities will need to increase because firms are less likely to operate
substantially below their permitted emissions, as is now common, when they could sell
excess permits for profit. [(458) -- 458. Rehbinder &
Sprenger, above at Penalties should significantly exceed the cost of acquiring permits. Penalties for
administrative violations -- inaccurate records, tampering with monitoring devices -- must
be sufficiently stringent that these violations are not used to disguise noncompliance. [(461) -- 461. Barakat & Chamberlin, above at In the South Coast Air Quality Management District fines of up to $25,000 per violation
per day can be levied with the possibility of permit revocation as well as possible civil
and criminal penalties. [(465) -- 465. Barakat &
Chamberlin, above at We recommend that any implementing legislation impose high minimum fines for permit
exceedances. Fines should be levied, as under the sulphur dioxide trading program, on the
basis of X dollars per unit of a pollutant and should be levied automatically whether or
not the polluter exercised diligence in avoiding the permit exceedance. The penalties
should be automatically payable without any regulatory action if monitoring data indicates
a permit exceedance. Failure to pay should constitute an offence. Legislation also should
provide for substantial minimum criminal penalties where firms are not diligent in
avoiding permit exceedances. All permit exceedances should be offset by future reductions
in emissions. Any implementing legislation clearly must grant the regulators power to enter on to any
premises where emissions are occurring and inspect the emissions as well as the monitoring
equipment. For tradeable permit systems enacted by the province, these enforcement
provisions exist under section 21 of the Waste Management Act, although
special consideration should be given to creating a specific authority to test and examine
monitoring equipment. Also, if there is any self reporting of monitoring data legislation
should give regulators the right to conduct routine searches, inspections and audits of
laboratories relied on to analyze tests. [(466) -- 466. See
above under enforcement.] Implementing legislation also should include provisions similar to those in the federal
Canadian Environmental Protection Act (CEPA) permitting concerned citizens
to participate in enforcement, both in the administrative process and in the courts. Under
CEPA, any two Canadian residents of majority age can require an investigation if they have
reason to believe that an offence has been committed under the Act. The proposed Ontario Environmental
Bill of Rights will permit any two residents of the province who are 18 years of
age or older and who believe that a contravention a prescribed acts has occurred to apply
to the Environmental Commissioner for an investigation by the appropriate Minister. The
Minister would be required to investigate unless the application is frivolous or
vexatious, the alleged contravention is not serious enough to warrant an investigation, or
the alleged offence is not likely to cause harm to the environment. Otherwise, the
investigation must proceed and both the people who laid the complaint and the
Environmental Commissioner must be notified of the result within a specified period of
time. [(467) -- 467. Environmental Bill of Rights,
1993, Bill 26, 3rd Session 35th Legislature, Ontario.] When the responsible agency declines to prosecute an environmental offence, a citizen
has the option of proceeding with a private prosecution. Private prosecutions have been a
powerful tool in citizens' efforts to protect the environment. Implementing legislation
should encourage private prosecutions by awarding citizens who initiate an action one half
of any fine that is recovered. [(468) -- 468. Similar
provisions exist for private prosecutions under the Fisheries Act, Penalties,
Forfeitures, and Proceeds Regulations, C.R.C. 1978, c. 827.] This section discusses provisions in enabling statutes for ensuring a fair, open and
effective decision making process. In In A process set out in statute also can ensure a right to public involvement in issues
that affect the public; the same arguments in favour of public involvement in regulation
making support meaningful public involvement in administrative decisions. In the United
States, involvement of environmental non-governmental organizations in the approval of
emission reduction credits have revealed questionable assumptions and calculations as well
as shortcomings in data which escaped the administrator's attention. [(469) -- 469. Liroff, above at We recommend a defined process for public involvement and appeal by both public and
other interested parties for:
We also recommend legislation include privative clauses shielding administrative
decisions from appeal. The safeguards against concentration of emissions in a particular area should help
ensure that hot spots of pollution do not occur as a result of trading. However, a
concentration of emissions in particular areas does occur, the public should have legal
recourse. The nuisance action is the most important common law remedy for persons who are
adversely effected by pollution. Nuisance is the unreasonable interference with the use of
land by its occupier or with the public's use of a public right. [(470)
-- 470. Allen Linden, Canadian Tort Law, 3d (Toronto: Butterworths, 1982) at 531.]
An action in nuisance typically involves a consideration by the court of whether an
activity such as polluting is reasonable in the circumstances. The courts will normally
consider whether an emission is permitted by law in making this assessment. This
consideration may be inappropriate in the case of emission trading because government has
less control over the amount of emissions from any source. We recommend that trading legislation specifically state that the holding of sufficient
tradeable permits for an emission is neither a statutory defence to an action against a
polluter nor a relevant factor in any such action. We also recommend reforming the law
relating to nuisance to relax limits on the standing of the public to bring actions in
nuisance. [(471) -- 471. See Ann Hillyer et al.,
"Recommendations for the Proposed British Columbia Environmental Protection Act"
(Vancouver: West Coast Environmental Law Association, June 22, 1993) [unpublished].] The efficiency and effectiveness of a tradeable permit system will depend in part on
the ability of government to effectively delegate certain tasks and to work out
arrangements with other jurisdictions whose cooperation may be necessary in dealing with a
problem. Legislation also must clearly specify the relation between a tradeable permit
system and other systems of regulation. This part considers these issues. Both provincial and federal legislation should provide for equivalency agreements.
Agreements should be permitted only with jurisdictions which have
Where an equivalency agreement is in place, trading of permits would be permissible
across jurisdictional boundaries subject to a requirement to abide by local caps on the
maximum concentration of emissions within zones or sub-areas. It is essential that if
interjurisdictional trading is allowed, there be an equivalency in the systems. Otherwise
there will be a tendency for improperly created permits to flood the market in the
jurisdiction with stricter controls and thus subvert environmental protection goals. Where equivalency agreements are reached between the federal government and the
provinces the result would be a partial withdrawal of federal authority in that province.
The federal government would need to retain jurisdiction over interprovincial trading.
There should be specific authority for regulations to govern interprovincial trading in
these situations. The federal government also will need to monitor interprovincial
implementation of tradeable permit systems and resume control of the system where
provincial enforcement and administration is weak. A trading permit system will function most effectively if most administrative functions
are under the authority of a single regulatory body. On the other hand, often there will
be a need for these administrative functions to be delegated to other departments or even
other governmental bodies that are in a unique position to perform certain functions. For
instance, if a tradeable permit system were established in the Lower Fraser Valley and
mobile sources were included, regulators should be able to delegate the testing of mobile
sources to Air Care branches. There are no constitutional impediments to delegating
functions from a federal body to a provincial body as long as they are not delegated to
the provincial legislature. [(472) -- 472. Peter Hogg, Constitution
Law of Canada, 2d. (Toronto: Carswell, 1992) at 14-29.] Any legislation should specifically allow for regulations allowing the delegation of
functions to third parties. Where a statute gives a power to delegate, it also should
provide that the delegation is subject to directions from the central regulator to ensure
that functions are carried out in a coordinated manner and that there is satisfactory
quality control. Where two jurisdictions act together in creating a tradeable permit
system the statutory authority to delegate should allow delegation to a joint body which
would coordinate the system in both jurisdictions. It is essential that any tradeable permit legislation clarify the application of other
legislation and regulations. For instance, the United States sulphur dioxide trading
legislation provides that it shall not be construed as affecting the application of other
provisions in the Clean Air Act, including provisions relating to national
ambient air quality standards and state clean air implementation plans. Tradeable
allowances only supersede emission limitations previously in effect under that part of the
Act. [(473) -- 473. 42 U.S.C.S.§7651 b(f) and (g). ] Legislation should specifically provide that it does not affect any permit restrictions
on the creation and discharge of toxic substances. This would help ensure that regulations
limiting or prohibiting the production of a specific toxic substance are not overridden by
tradeable permits allowing releases of a class of substances to which the specifically
regulated toxic substance belongs. [(474) -- 474. See CCME
Working Group, above at Various commentators have underlined the need for the administrators of an emissions
trading program to levy appropriate fees, noting that programs which lack resources for
proper implementation will fail. [(475) -- 475. See Barakat,
above at According to some economic theory, tradeable permit systems can place a limit on the
total discharges of a particular substance and reduce this limit over time at the lowest
possible economic cost. However, the assumptions of economic theory may diverge from
reality and, as this Chapter has discussed, there are significant practical problems in
actually implementing a system of tradeable permits. This is especially true for sources
which do not have accurate discharge data for discharges, and that may have localized
effects. Any proposal for tradeable permit systems will have to be carefully examined to
ensure that it will help in the reduction of pollution. Designers of tradeable permit
systems also will have to consider whether the systems in practice will reduce pollution
at a lower cost than command and control strategies. Both draft legislation and draft
regulations must be carefully analyzed with public input before any system is adopted. Tradeable permit systems for environmental protection can vary in complexity from a
relatively simple national program to control carbon dioxide emissions through tradeable
permits for fossil fuel import and production to a multijurisdictional tradeable permit
system for the precursors of ground level ozone. This Chapter discussed general enabling
legislation applicable to a wide range of environmental problems. The following is a summary of concerns which should be addressed in any generally
applicable enabling legislation. Some recommendations may not be necessary for enabling
legislation aimed at a specific problem.
if auctions are revenue generating obliging polluters to compensate society for the
costs imposed upon it by their polluting activities. Revenue generating auctions would be
more in keeping with polluter pay principle . Revenue generated which is not allocated to
administration could be held in a special fund for environmental remediation.
Opting In and Creation of Emission Reduction Credits [(417)
-- 417. The discussion above on emission reduction credits was limited to their use in a
tradeable permit system. There is a much more extensive history of the use of emission
reduction credits in the United States as an adjunct to traditional command and control
technology. In the United States emission reduction credits have been used to reduce
compliance costs related to traditional command and control technology.
Claiming Credit Where Credit is Not Due
Claiming Credit For the Inevitable
The Opportunity Cost of Emission Reduction Credits
Valuable Credits for Poor Performers
Increased Enforcement Demands
Safeguards Against Negative Aspects of Emission Reduction Credits
Pollution Reduction Credits
Operation of the System
Trade Approval
Ensuring an Actual Reduction by the Vendor
Review of Individual Effects
Public Registry and Banking
Liability of Purchaser for Vendor's Activities After Sale
Sales of Permits from Firms that Close or Reduce Production
Monitoring
Enforcement
Process Provisions
Public Participation in Setting Regulations
Public Involvement and Appeal
Legal Remedies for Victims of Trading
Efficient Administration and Coordination
Interjurisdictional Trading and Equivalency Agreements
Integrated Regulator and Authority to Delegate Functions
Relation of Permit Trading Systems and other Environmental Regulations
Ability to Levy Pollution Charges and Administrative Fees
Summary
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